文档介绍：320 . DOMINGUEZ
202-209); or even the dispersed 'Cazurro Tomb', dated to ca. 500
. (Sanmarti 1996, 17-36). If we consider some other necropoleis,
for instance those of Akragas, with a parable to that
of the Emporitan necropolis, we find considerable similarities con•
cerning position of the grave goods (Deorsola et al. 1988,
253 397). The same occurs, in general lines, in most of the western
Greek necropoleis, although within a trend to a greater wealth of
the grave offerings as the 5th century progressed.
'I bus. there is an initial fact to be considered. In the Greek ceme•
teries, the cup, although by no means absent, was not the •
monly found vase amongst grave goods. The same occurs with the
krater, which was not the preferred shape among die vases present
in the tomb. In the Iberian case, however, exacdy the opposite occurs:
cup and krater were the Greek shapes which appear predominantly
in indigenous funerary offerings, a phenomenon also present in other
non-Greek environments of the Mediterranean (Dominguez 1994,
243-313). Summarising this idea with Murray's words,
it mon practice in the Greek world to place objects of mod•
est value in burials or on the pyre, and many of these arc of course
objects used in the symposion, such as drinking cups and jugs. But there
is no sign of the provision of a set of sympotic objects, many of the
most monumental tombs contain little or nothing: there is a striking
contrast here with the elaborate sets of equipment for feasting, the rich
burials and even the provision of large amphorae of wine in the Italian
context (1988, 249).
It has been argued on some occasions that these Greek elements are
an important symptom of 'isation' (Blanquez 1990a, 9-24;
1994, 319 35-1 and I would like to deal now with this topic, ( lertainl)
the introduction of wine to Iberia must be attributed to the colonis•
ing peoples, firstly the Phoenicians and then the Greeks. I