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The United States and the People's Republic
help, he yet patronized Chinese culture and employed schol•
ars to document the record of the previous regime and point
the lesson of its fall. He celebrated the revolution in classical
poetry, and his calligraphy adorned public places. His exam•
ple mightily affected the peripheral states. In Peking in front
of the great palace built by the Ming Emperors of the fif•
teenth century he built a great square, whither came delega•
tions from Southeast Asia and the Western Regions to watch
the great processions. Today Mao's body lies embalmed in
the center of the square.
In his gargantuan achievements from 1949 to 1976, Mao
depended at every turn upon the loyalty of his prime minister,
a man of upper-class origins and great personal charisma,
quick, astute, and indefatigable, who never seemed to oppose
his leader's policies but always strove to carry them out while
keeping China's central administration and foreign policy
under control. If Mao's imperious will was that of a dragon
upon the throne, unpredictable and violently demanding,
Chou En-Iai's selfless and sympathetic handling of personnel
both Chinese and foreign was in the great tradition of sophis•
ticated statecraft. At his death he seemed more beloved by
the people.
The reader can continue for himself to recognize echoes of
the past in China today. C. P. Fitzgerald, for example, sum•
marized the traditional Chinese social concepts as embracing
a single authority coterminous with civilization, a balanced
economy basically managed by the state, an orthodox doctrine
which harmonizes and guides all forms of human activity,
including the selection of intellectuals for state service. As
of 1952 he suggested that these concepts, destroyed during
modern times in their traditional forms, had found expression
again munism. Yet at the time of writing he fore•
saw the New Democracy persisting for some time an